How Ukraine broke its promises to Russian speakers — RT Russia & Former Soviet Union

More than ten years have passed since the 2014 coup d’état in Ukraine. Following the so-called “Euromaidan,” the new Western-backed launched a campaign to cancel everything Russian, including the language.

The last reliable survey on linguistic diversity in Ukraine was conducted by the Social Monitoring Center in 2021. It found over 65% of the country’s population communicated in Russian on a daily basis.

However, despite this and the fact that Article 10 of the Ukrainian Constitution guarantees “the free development, use, and protection of Russian and other languages of national minorities in Ukraine,” Russian has been restricted at the legislative level in Ukraine since 2014.

The first steps towards this were taken directly after the Maidan coup in February, 2014. On that day, the Verkhovna Rada (the Ukrainian Parliament) dismissed Yanukovich from office and scheduled early elections for that May 25. A contest in which millions of Ukrainian citizens would be disenfranchised.

The very next day, the Rada voted to repeal the 2012 law “On the Principles of State Language Policy,” which granted Russian the status of a regional language in those areas where it was the native language of at least 10% of the population. In such regions, the law granted the tongue the same status as the official Ukrainian.

As a result, mass protests broke out in the east of Ukraine, where the Russian-speaking population was in the majority. As a result, acting President Aleksandr Turchinov did not approve the Rada’s decision.

“Ukrainian is the national language, but there will be no restrictions based on language, nationality, on who goes to which church and belongs to which denomination in Ukraine. The democratic government clearly guarantees this to everyone,” Turchinov said at the time.

However, this  didn’t last long. Four years later, in February 2018, the law on the regional status of the Russian language was repealed. A corresponding decision was made by Ukraine’s Constitutional Court which stated that it contradicted the Constitution.

Four years later, in October 2022, the head of Ukraine’s National Security and Defense Council Aleksey Danilov stated clearly that Ukrainian authorities needed to completely eliminate the Russian language from the territory of Ukraine.

“The Russian language must wholly disappear from our territory as an element of hostile propaganda and the brainwashing of our population,” he said.

His statement fully reflected the policy of Kiev’s post-Maidan elites, who have repeatedly changed legislation and taken steps towards prohibiting the use of the Russian language.

De-Russification and Ukrainization

An important change happened in June 2016, when the Ukrainian Parliament adopted amendments to the law “On Television and Radio Broadcasting” (which entered into force on November 8, 2016). According to the new rules at least 60% of TV and radio programs, such as news and analysis, had to be in Ukrainian.

In May 2017, at the initiative of then President Pyotr Poroshenko, the Rada adopted amendments to this law, which from then on required at least 75% of national and regional TV programs and 60% of local programs to be in Ukrainian.

And from July 2024, the share of Ukrainian-language programs on national channels has to be at least 90%, and on regional channels – at least 80%.

There were also major changes in the field of education. In September 2017, the Ukrainian Parliament adopted a new version of the “Law on Education,” which stipulated a phased prohibition of Russian and the languages of other national groups in educational institutions. According to the bill, all teaching in secondary schools and higher educational institutions had to be conducted exclusively in Ukrainian. After 2018, classes where subjects were taught in Russian and other languages were allowed only in primary schools. From September 1 2020, there was supposed to be no schools left where subjects were taught in any language except Ukrainian.

In April 2019, the Rada adopted a bill “On ensuring the functioning of the Ukrainian language as the state language”, and on May 15, five days before the end of his presidential term, the document was signed by Poroshenko. Ukrainian was designated as the only official state language. According to this law, efforts to introduce multilingualism would be seen as attempts to forcefully change or overthrow the constitutional order.

According to the law, all cultural events should be held only in the state language, and it should be spoken by all government officials, public service employees, and workers in the fields of trade, service, education, medicine, culture, etc. when performing their duties.

The law was introduced in several stages. From January 16, 2020, the advertising sector had to switch to the state language, from July 16, 2020 – scientific, medical, and transport personnel, and from January 16, 2021 – all businesses, including online stores.

On July 16, 2021, a language exam was introduced for future civil servants and people who applied for Ukrainian citizenship. Requirements to publish and sell at least 50% of all printed publications in the state language also came into force.

Fines and arrests

In recent years, a growing number of people have been sanctioned for speaking Russian. In July 2023, a math teacher from Dnepropetrovsk (the Ukrainian authorities have renamed this city Dnipro) was fined 3,400 hryvnia (about $92), for failing to comply with the law, State Language Protection Commissioner Taras Kremin told Ukraine’s Radio Svoboda.

He expressed hope that this “will serve as another reminder to the citizens of Ukraine who carry out professional duties in various fields, especially education, trade, and transport, that it is necessary to comply with the language law.”

Shortly before that, even tougher measures were applied against a philosophy teacher from the State Tax University in Irpen, Kiev Region. According to Ukraine’s Channel 24, which cited representatives of the university, Lyubov Vorobyova was suspended from work for speaking Russian.

The university’s press service explained that a collective complaint against the teacher’s behavior was filed by students on April 6, 2023. The teacher was notified that an investigation would be carried out.

Earlier that year in February, a scandal broke out at a university in Volyn Region, where one of the teachers taught classes only in Russian and ignored the students’ complaints. A similar situation occurred at the State University of Trade and Economics in Kiev.

A taxi driver from Kiev also lost his job in October 2023 for speaking Russian. When he refused to switch to Ukrainian, the passengers behaved in a scandalous way and he asked them to get out of the car. The transportation company suspended the man’s license and fired him.

As he told the publication Strana.ua, he was outraged by the behavior of the passengers who demanded he speak only Ukrainian. As the taxi driver noted, his job is to safely transport passengers, but does not include “heart-to-heart conversations.” The man claimed that he knows Ukrainian, but comes from the southeast region where it’s not commonly spoken.

“It’s not my fault that in the southeast, people have spoken [Russian] for the past 32 years, since Ukraine became independent. That’s how we studied [in school],” the man said.

Fines for violating the law on the state language were first applied in Ukraine in October 2022. The first prosecution involved a teacher at the National Aviation University in Kiev. A complaint against him was made by one of his students, Ukrainian News reported, citing the office of Taras Kremen. That teacher was also fined 3,400 UAH.

Scandals over communicating in Russian did not begin only after the start of Russia’s military operation in Ukraine. In February 2021, Taras Kremin wrote on his Facebook page that Ukrainians had started to report Russian speakers.  According to him, in one month he received over 600 complaints against people who spoke Russian.

This issue even gave rise to serious conflicts. In February 2021, a former Rada deputy from the far-right Svoboda party, Oleg Gelevey, started a fight in the center of Kiev that resulted in a stabbing, merely because a cafe server spoke in Russian. As Strana.ua wrote, “Gelevey approached the waitress and reproached her, but one of the customers stood up for her. Then Gelevey’s companion took out a knife, and the two of them attacked the man who tried to defend her. A criminal case over ‘hooliganism’ was initiated following the incident.”

One of the most well-known incidents occurred in September 2020 when the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) detained a resident of Kherson Region, Tatiana Kuzmich, who worked as a Russian language teacher. She was suspected of treason and was taken into custody.

“According to the detainee’s lawyer, SBU officers are forcing Kuzmich to incriminate herself, and psychological pressure is exerted on the people who are close to her. We urge you to pay attention to this case since, based on past experience, we are concerned that this detention is politically motivated and is a violation of civil rights and freedoms, and is language-based discrimination,” Russian foreign aid and cultural agency ‘Rosssotrudnichestvo’ said in a statement.

The head of Rossotrudnichestvo, Yevgeny Primakov, noted that the organization was appealing to international human rights institutions to react to the situation.

“May the international human rights organizations take an incorruptible and objective look [at the situation] and assess the actions of the Ukrainian special services. But will they notice it?” Primakov wrote on his Telegram channel.

For the detained woman, life changed after the start of Russia’s military operation. While on February 24, 2022 she was preparing for her next court hearing, by the end of August 2022 Tatyana Kuzmich was Deputy Minister of Education and Science of Kherson Region, and on December 8 she was appointed vice-governor responsible for working with evacuees.

Russian speakers and rallies in support of the language

Ukraine’s new legislative measures against the Russian language saw opposition both domestically and internationally. For Ukrainians, this was a particularly sensitive issue since just a few years ago, Russian was extremely widespread.

According to data published by the Social Monitoring Center in August 2021, over 50% of Ukrainians spoke Russian in their families and at home, 27.1% of Ukrainian citizens used Russian as often as Ukrainian, 13.6% communicated mostly in Russian, and 11.3% relied solely on Russian.

According to the same survey, 15.8% of respondents spoke mostly Ukrainian, and less than a third of the country’s residents (31.9%) used  only Ukrainian in their families and at home.

The survey also showed that over half of Ukrainians didn’t mind watching TV programs in Russian; 35.3% of respondents would like to watch TV both in Russian and Ukrainian, 11.6% prefer to watch television programs mostly in Russian, and 8.9% – only in Russian.

In January 2020, in an attempt to stop forced Ukrainization, Ukrainians attended a rally in support of the Russian language in Kharkov. The participants wanted to defend their right to speak Russian and prevent the signing of the law on secondary education, which prohibited them from studying in their native language.

This rally received wide coverage after the demonstrators were attacked by a group of radical nationalists.

“The nationalists disrupted our event… They sprayed tear gas, I was in the hospital to treat my eyes. One police officer and several TV employees were hospitalized with eye burns,” said Andrey Lesik, one of the organizers of the rally and a member of the ‘Opposition Platform – For Life’ party’s political council.

According to media reports, among the radicals there were young men dressed in uniforms of the National Squads ultra-nationalist organization, as well as several people bearing flags of the Right Sector Neo-Nazi organization.

International reaction

The reaction of foreign politicians to Ukraine’s new language policy has varied over the years. In December 2017, the Venice Commission of the Council of Europe criticized the Ukrainian “Law on Education,” and Kiev was recommended to amend it in order to avoid discrimination.

The statement drew attention to the fact that Article 7, as adopted, “is quite different from the draft on which minorities were consulted.” “[It] contains important ambiguities and does not appear to provide the guidance needed from a framework law in the application of the country’s international and constitutional obligations. It contains some guarantees for education in the minority languages, mainly limited to primary education, though the exact scope of such guarantees is not as clear as it could be,” the Venice Commission stated.

The Commission pointed out that Article 7 provides a legal basis for teaching certain subjects in EU languages, for example, Bulgarian, Hungarian, Romanian, and Polish, but does not provide a solution for non-EU languages, in particular Russian as “the most widely used language apart from the state language.”

“The less favorable treatment of these languages is difficult to justify and therefore raises issues of discrimination. Having regard to the above considerations, the appropriate solution would certainly be to amend Article 7 and replace this provision with a more balanced and more clearly worded one,” the statement noted.

Over the years, the EU’s rhetoric on this issue has changed a lot. Last November, an anonymous official in Brussels told RIA Novosti that the European Commission (EC) would not consider the language issue when assessing Ukraine’s readiness to join the EU.

“Many people are wondering about the Russian language and the rights of Russians [in Ukraine]. I want to be very clear: the Russian language isn’t something that the European Commission will take into account [when assessing Kiev’s implementation of the reforms],” he said.

However, he noted that the EC is highly interested in completing a reform that would consolidate the rights of Hungarians, Romanians, and Bulgarians in Ukraine in terms of the state language, media, and education.